Ep. 023 – Setting Up Shop in the Central Med

The Phoenicians are now on the move, pushing the scope of our podcast to the west. While they were mainly concerned with expanding their access to natural resources like copper, iron, and silver, they weren't entering a vacuum. The Nuragic people of Sardinia were active in a regional trade centered on the Tyrrhenian Sea, and soon after the Phoenicians reconnected the Euboeans with the Mediterranean trade networks, both of them had set up colonies on Sardinia and in western Italy. We look at archaeological evidence for all the activity there, but in the end, this episode is a stepping stone to the Phoenician presence in the far west of the Mediterranean, just as Sardinia was for the Iron Age mariners.

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Episode Transcript

 When we weighed anchor last episode, we left the Phoenicians in a bit of a pickle. They’d seen some good days as Tyre grew in power and reach, reopening trade routes with Egypt and continuing amicable relations with Israel and other powers in the eastern Mediterranean. The wealth of natural resources that were the lifeblood of the growing Phoenician trade network drew the interest of some not-so-nice new neighbors, the Assyrian Empire. By 850 BCE, we saw the depiction on the Assyrian palace gates of Tyrian ships bringing tribute to the conquering Assyrian king. While Assyria normally dismantled the areas that it conquered, we saw how it left the Phoenicians largely intact so as to siphon off the resources that the well-oiled Phoenician network could bring to the Levant. You might even say, as some historians have, that Assyria never really conquered the Phoenicians, that instead they just came to some kind of understanding that the Phoenician cities would simply pay tribute to the Assyrian king.

Today then, we begin to answer the question I posed at the conclusion last time: What do you do when your bullying neighbor seizes a major source of your commodities and then demands that you keep up on your tribute payments? The short answer is that you look for new income sources, and luckily for the Phoenicians those source lay to the west. Only water stood in the way and, well, if anyone was equipped to overcome that barrier it was the Phoenicians. 

I feel like a skipping record on some of our episodes of late, but an initial point to be made today is that the chronology of Phoenician colonization is a hotly debated topic. Current and ongoing archaeology continues to change the contours of the landscape. As you can imagine, the extent of the widespread colonization around the Mediterranean means that there are hundreds of Phoenician sites spanning several centuries, so I’m really going to distill this down to the basics as much as we currently understand them to be. Of course, we’ll also focus on the major sites that are always mentioned as these can give us a good idea of what the Phoenicians colonizers had in mind when they picked the many smaller sites for colony building. It is interesting to note the major commonalities between the Phoenician colonies, so let’s lay the groundwork here by just listing off a few of those characteristics and then we’ll get into some examples of colonies, when they were founded and the theories about why.

Without any concrete basis but with what seems to be some concrete logic, many historians have theorized that in building their various colonies, the Phoenicians attempted to emulate the ideal situation in which the mother city, Tyre, existed. Built on an island, equipped with natural harbors that were then expanded, easily defensible and, perhaps most important of all, in possession of a natural fresh-water spring, Tyre was the perfect city for a maritime people. Without going into detail on specific examples yet, we should still note that a majority of Phoenician colony sites were situated in locations that were island-like, on promontories or in locations with natural harbors and easy sea access. In Braudel’s words, the Phoenician colonists “attempted to recreate Tyre’s ideal urban geography wherever possible,” to the extent that in many of the far western colonies, the city site was located on one side of the river while the necropolis was located on the other side of whatever form the water boundary took. Likewise, in Tyre itself the main city was located on the island off the Lebanese coast, but the necropolis site was located back on the mainland, separated by the island by about 2 kilometers. Thus, it seems that Phoenicians colonists even attempted to emulate the mother city’s layout.

When we begin discussing the motivating factors behind the Phoenicians push west, as we mentioned with our closing question from last time, a big factor there can be seen in the proximity of their colonization sites to the location of natural resources. In the eastern and central Mediterranean the main natural resource to be had was iron, but we will see how the far west allowed the Phoenicians to tap into a rich source of silver. On top of all this focus on natural resources, the Phoenicians also had a stake in the trade of goods and wares from various locations around the near east. It’s really from these goods, things like pottery and of course the purple-dyed cloth for which they’re still remembered, it’s from the presence of these goods at archaeological sites around the Mediterranean that we base our understanding of their presence and influence through colonization and trade.

As we begin to leave the confines of the Eastern Mediterranean now in our discussion, just as the first Phoenician colonizers once did, it will be helpful to sketch a broad overview of the sea itself and the main trade routes that were commonly taken. Considering that the Mediterranean Sea is wider longitudinally than it is in latitude, any sea-faring from the Phoenician homeland westward would have probably taken one of three routes. In essence, those are a northern route along the coasts and islands of Greece and then around Sicily and into the Tyrrhenian Sea between the west of Italy and the island of Sardinia. This route was likely plied by Greek merchants and the Tyrian or other eastern merchants who had business in the Aegean or Italy itself, as there are faster routes to get you to a far west destination. The second route is the other extreme, the southern route that would have taken a Phoenician sailor along the coast of northern Africa and past many ports of call. On this route we would naturally see stops in the Nile Delta region, then in Libya and Tunis, where we will see the founding of what is perhaps the most well known Phoenician city, Carthage. What we can call the third route was the central route, a departure from the coasts and a voyage on the open seas. The lineup of islands in the Mediterranean actually make this route the most logical if your goal is to reach the far west in a shorter time. From the Levant it would be simple to make a few stops on Cyprus, Crete, Malta, Sicily, and Sardinia while cutting out the time consuming matter of navigating coastal waters. The middle route would, of course, require the ability to navigate the open water, but as we saw last time the Phoenicians were well known for their capabilities in that department, they could even navigate by the stars at night and on the open water they would not have to worry as much about the dangers inherent in coastal navigation. 

The three major routes give us some idea of how they would have sailed west, depending on their destination, but to a degree these routes are self-evident assuming the requisite skill and technology. The Phoenicians obviously possessed both, so let’s now see why they established these routes, including the settlements and trading posts that they set up along the way. 

When looking at the grand scope of history, it’s easy lose forest for the trees and I hope I’ve not fallen prey to that tendency here. Anyway, so far in the podcast we’ve been focused on the eastern Mediterranean because, well, that’s where the main action was in the early stages of the historical record. And I say historical record there because of this very point: there was plenty going on in the western Mediterranean too, maybe not as far back in history, and maybe not to such a large degree, but something was going on. I’ve not discussed it much yet because the written record to back up the archaeology is very sparse, we couldn’t really paint a full picture if we tried. It is finally time to begin filling in the gaps and expanding the scope of our focus on the podcast here.

The fact that there was already an independent scene growing in the western Mediterranean was probably one of the major draws for the Phoenicians to extend their reach in that direction. After all, the Assyrians had come knocking in the Phoenician homeland and as their collective coffers began to feel the pressure, they set out in the hopes of remedying that situation. Considering the levels of trade and relative interconnection that were present in the Bronze Age, stretching west out to the Aegean and Greece proper, I find it hard to believe that the peoples of the east had no knowledge of the resources that lay further west. On the basis of the sites we’ll now look at more closely, it seems that the Phoenicians had a moderate presence in the central Mediterranean a little before the Assyrians tightened the screws. In any event, it is clear that as they pushed further and further westward, they were not entering a vacuum. No, it seems that they were actually sailing into the midst of a region where a pretty healthy regional trade was already in place. It certainly wasn’t of the caliber that the eastern reaches of the sea had been able to reach, but it’s surprising nonetheless. 

Enough generalizing from me though, let’s go ahead and talk about the people that occupied the central areas of the Mediterranean and how exactly the Phoenicians got on with them and established some colonies in their lands.

The first candidates that immediately come to mind in relation to the central Mediterranean are normally the Greeks. We will get there eventually, I promise, but hopefully you recall the rather dramatic decline of the Mycenaeans during the Bronze Age Collapse. The Aegean saw a precipitous drop in population, with a corresponding reduction in their cities and levels of trade sophistication. Not to fear though, a remnant remained and within a couple hundred years they’d begun to tidy things up a bit. Some evidence for this resurgence comes from the village of Lefkandi on the second-largest Greek island, Euboea. Before we get a glimpse of that evidence though, I wanted to let you know that the traditional theory has been one that viewed Phoenician colonization in the west as being a reaction to the Greek resurgence, an effort by the Phoenicians to solidify their hold on trade in the Mediterranean and to prevent the Greeks from impinging on that trade.

I’ll not beat around the bush here I’ll simply catch the bird straight out: I think, in conjunction with some more recent scholarship, that the Phoenicians did a great deal to reconnect the emerging Greek cities with the trade networks to the east, networks that the Mycenaeans had once largely overseen. We have evidence for this theory at Lefkandi, as I mentioned. It’s generally thought that in the late 10th century BCE, which is the general timeframe when Hiram was king in Tyre, perhaps a little after, but, it’s generally thought that in that window of time the Euboeans were the only Greeks capable of mid-distance maritime trade. Euboea had been the first Greek island to really coalesce into an Iron Age center. Even then though, there is no evidence for them having been present in trade to their east, especially far enough east to have reached the Phoenician centers in the Levant. This being the case, it rather surprised archaeologists working in Lefkandi when they began to unearth a tomb that they’d dubbed Tomb 86.

Within this tomb lay the skeleton of a Greek Dark Age woman, a woman of high status from all appearances. She was buried with many bronze objects: hair-coils and dress pins. She also wore nine gold rings and was buried with her hands clasped on top of an intricately crafted bronze bowl. The presence of fine objects in a tomb isn’t the item of note here, such objects have been found in elite burials throughout time. What’s notable, even highly significant here is that these bronze objects, the accessories, the bowl, also the gold rings, they were all of near eastern origin, likely coming from Cyprus but perhaps even from the mainland. Now, since the Euboeans weren’t sailing their way east to Cyprus, it stands to reason that the Phoenicians were instead making their way west, taking the first steps in their eventual push to the western ends of the Mediterranean. They’d not technically ever removed themselves from trade in the Aegean, but it isn’t until the Euboeans that the region begins to see life once again after the Collapse. By the end of the 9th century BCE the Euboeans had come into their own and integrated themselves into the trade network of the Mediterranean. Greek pottery increasingly found its way back east to the Levant and Phoenician goods, even their transport of Egyptian goods also found their way west and into the growing Greek sphere. 

I referenced at one point previous that the Phoenicians, when they weren’t establishing their own colonies, had a tendency to collaborate with other peoples in establishing trade outposts. Evidence of the early-Greek cooperation with the Phoenicians can be seen in the trading post at Al Mina, a site located near the mouth of the Orontes River, located in northern Syria today and north of the main Phoenician cities at the time it was used by them. From the first joint-enterprises with the Euboeans, the Phoenicians seem to have worked alongside other Greek cities over their development, cities like Corinth for instance. As we’ll get into now, the Phoenicians didn’t stop there, not by a long stretch, but the enduring influence of the Near East upon the development of post-Dark Age Greece is quite evident. This influence took many forms, but one area where the Phoenicians left there particular mark in Greece concerns literal marks of a sort, I’m referring to the Phoenician alphabetic script, the Greek adaption of which first appears back at Lefkandi round about 770 BCE, so after an extended period of contact between the two cultures. Richard Miles also notes that many Phoenician innovations in the realm of maritime commerce also infected the nascent Greek culture. His list includes Phoenician contributions such as “interest-bearing loans, maritime insurance, joint financing of commercial ventures, deposit banking, and, possibly, weights and measures.” For my part, I see forms of interest-bearing loans, maritime insurance, and the joint financing of commerce back in Bronze Age Mesopotamia, but the Phoenicians doubtless refined these tools and contributed the others listed above.

The Phoenician presence in the Aegean doesn’t falls outside the limits of anything we’ve discussed so far: the Levantine merchants of the Bronze Age plied the same waters, and the Mycenaeans were also far-ranging in their trade. Something that may surprise you, however, is that by the late 9th century BCE, so 830-800, somewhere in that window, the Phoenicians and the Euboeans had begun to tap into something that had until that point been a regional trade network centered on the Tyrrhenian Sea. This portion of the larger Mediterranean is the portion that lies between the western coast of Italy, the island of Sicily just off the toe of the Italian boot, and the islands of Sardinia and Corsica that lie west of Italy and north of North Africa, modern-day Tunisia to be precise.

Our main focus in this region, and it seems that a main focus for the Phoenicians as well, is the island of Sardinia. Before we can witness the first Phoenician contact with the Sardinian island, we first need to roll back the clock and meet the island’s Bronze Age inhabitants, a people that many of you may not have heard mentioned before. If you haven’t, that’s quite understandable, they were certainly minor players on the grand historical stage, but in and around the Tyrrhenian Sea they were actually quite influential in establishing a small-scale maritime trade. The name of these regional mariners is derived from a more terrestrial remnant of their existence, the nuraghes they built and which are still generously littered around the island. The Nuragic civilization as we now know it built at least 10,000 of these tower-fortress type structures and about 7,000 of them are still standing today.

These surprisingly large structures that are ubiquitous on the Italian island evoke something akin to the cyclopean architecture that is more widely associated with the Mycenaean fortress cities, and although the Nuragic structures are different in form, function, location, and origin, it’s hard to escape the thought that their builders may have been more prolific in their own right than we fully realize. You see, the Nuragic civilization is yet another one for which we have found no written record or evidence, so everything we know of them is taken from archaeological finds or filtered through the later Greek and Roman historians and, well, we’ve already established that many of their assertions were spurious at worst and misguided regurgitation at best.

Anyway, it is fortunate for our look back from the present day to see that the archaeological record on Sardinia reveals much more than just the nuraghes. Archaeology reveals that the Bronze Age occupants of the island were also prolific craftsmen; many bronze statues of intricate design reveal that native animals, warriors, and even their iconic tower structures were all central to their culture. For us here on the podcast, I’m happy to report that these distant people also left behind bronze images of boats, boats that showcase an artistic streak present in the hands that fashioned them. These bronze models aren’t necessarily intricate, at least not in comparison to those of Egypt, but they do demonstrate a functional boat form and a penchant for outfitting boats with animal figureheads. Examples of these models all share a common hull shape, something akin to, in my mind at least, a less curvaceous gravy boat. In the representation the hulls seem to be mostly flat on the bottom with curved sides and ends that terminate in soft points. Come to think of it, they seemed to be about the size of a gravy boat as well, though I wouldn’t recommend using one for your gravy if you ever got ahold of one. I found a simple version with a bull’s-head prow that was auctioned by Christie’s back in 2013 and they estimated it to sell for at least 5,000 British pounds, a hefty price tag for a serving dish. My lame jokes aside, it’s possible that a Bronze Age Sardinian hung this inside the city nurage, most versions of Nuragic boat models had a central handle and a ring in the top-center, so it looks as though they were made to be hung from the ceiling.

What these bronze boat models tell us about the Nuragic people is self-evident, they were acquainted enough with boating and maritime travel that they devoted portions of their artistic pursuit toward representing watercraft. We’re somewhat limited in what we can safely conclude based on these models alone, but evidence from locations around the Mediterranean indicates that Nuragic pottery and copper ingots found their way as far east as Cyprus, while Cypriot copper found its way west to even the interior of the large island. Apparently then, this island in the central Mediterranean wasn’t quite as peripheral in relation to the Bronze Age trade as it was once thought to be. On top of that, Mycenaean pottery has been found on Sardinia, so that leaves us with a question that’s tough to answer: were the Bronze Age Sardinians plying the sea and directly participating in trade with Crete and Cyprus, or, what is perhaps more likely, were the Mycenaeans pushing a bit further west than we thought them to have done? The latter case seems the more likely of the two, but in the absence of written evidence from the Nuragic sites, we can simply conclude that however the goods changed hands, they clearly did so.

Even if the Sardinian occupants weren’t sailing too far east, it’s more agreed upon that they were making the trek between their island and the Italian mainland on a regular basis. Plenty of evidence exists for a more regional trade between Sardinia and Italy’s western coast, but I’ll not spend time on it here. It’s debatable whether the people we call the Etruscans were present in Italy back in the 700s BCE, but they’ll enter the story before much longer. Anyway, the Bronze Age Collapse that so severely affected the eastern Mediterranean seems not to have bothered them this far west, save for cutting off Mycenaean trade and perhaps insulating them a bit more. The Phoenicians then can be seen as reconnecting this smaller trade network with the markets to the east, just as they had brought an increase in activity to the Aegean. The Greek Dark Ages cut off the Aegean sailors from any major contact with Sardinia as well, but at the same rough time, both the Phoenicians and the Euboeans arrived on the Sardinian scene.

Our first indication of Phoenician presence on Sardinia takes the form of an inscribed stele or stone, it’s known as the ‘Nora stone’ because it was found near the ancient Sardinian site known as Nora. I’ll get to the geographical significance of this find in a moment, but for now let’s look at the inscription itself and see what we can learn. It is a fragment of the original whole, jagged edges on all sides, while the top row of Phoenician letters is cut in half. I couldn’t find a description of the stone’s size, save for several authors who described it as being ‘monumental.’ In the pictures I rustled up it does appear to be of decent size, maybe a meter tall and half as wide, though it is quite thick as well. I mention the size in relation only to the rough date that’s been arrived at for the stone’s inscription. Generally, archaeologists date the stone to the first half of the 9th century BCE, so 850 BCE or a few decades previous. I really appreciated Fernand Braudel’s humorous point that “putting up monumental inscriptions is not of course the first priority of sailors on voyages of discovery.” If we can agree with him on that point, then we must concede that the Phoenicians had arrived in Sardinia at least some number of years before the inscription was made.

Support for this possibility comes from the text of the stone, the inscription itself. Wouldn’t you know it, there are multiple interpretations of what the inscription actually signifies, but since an examination of each theory in turn would take inordinately long, here’s the theory that is most accepted at present. It appears that the Nora stone inscription was tied to the dedication of a temple on Sardinia. The text makes reference to the island where the temple was being built, it’s called shardan, a Phoenician name that seems to be the earliest use of the island’s modern name, Sardinia. Beyond that though, the temple connection comes from a reference to the Phoenician god Pumayyaton, roughly equivalent to the Greek god Pygmalion. Although one interpretation of this stone saw it as commemorating a military victory, historian Robin Lane Fox sees the text as “honouring a god, most probably in thanks for the traveller's safe arrival after a storm.” 

If the interpretation by Fox holds any water, we must also factor in the appearance of the word “Tarshish” in the inscription. For you biblical scholars, you’ll likely recognize this name from the story of Jonah and the whale, the ship from which Jonah was cast was sailing from Joppa to Tarshish. Now the physical location of the ancient city of Tarshish is another one of those historical mysteries, and proposed answers to the mystery have placed it all over the Mediterranean. To date, no satisfactory answer has surfaced. The Hebrew Bible mentions Tarshish in close connection with King Hiram of Tyre, who we said ruled around the middle of the 900s BCE. If Tarshish was located in modern-day Spain, as some historians have proposed, that means that the Phoenicians were already in the western reaches of the Mediterranean before they began to found their colonies much closer to home. It is possible, I suppose, but it seems rather more unlikely. Josephus contains identifies Tarshish as being a city in the south of Asia Minor, which would place it more within the sphere of Phoenician activity during the 10th century BCE as we’ve outlined it. But then how does the Nora stone fit into that paradigm? The problems of interpreting that stone may bear some blame for the competing theories here, but it’s another entry to add to the book of historical mysteries anyhow.

Solving those long-debated topics isn’t really our goal here, so let’s talk a bit more about Sardinia and why the mariners from the east would have sought to set up shop there. I think we’ve established by now that a main driver for the Phoenician push west was their search for new natural resource deposits. In the large island of Sardinia, that search struck gold in the figurative sense, but in the literal sense it struck natural deposits of copper, lead, iron, and silver. These resources had been utilized by the native Nuragic population for quite some time, but once the Phoenicians arrived on the scene in the late ninth or early eight century BCE they integrated themselves into the local population and commerce rather quickly. The site of Sant’Imbenia, for instance, seems to have been a center of trade and industry, a metalworking village where native people worked their trade and the Phoenicians integrated with their already established center to further facilitate export of metals and other goods, amphorae of wine are also frequently uncovered by archaeologists. 

Without delving into the intricacies of archaeological comparison, the shape and craftsmanship of amphora actually help us better understand the movements of these ancient people, who arrived where from where, and how their integration influenced the trade of the native peoples. It’s tempting to compare ancient colonization efforts to the colonization that we think of in the modern sense, the arrival of the English in the New World or some such, but really have no firsthand accounts from the Phoenician colonists. There is the account of Pytheas and his journey of exploration, but that’s a bit different. We’ll cover that in due time but check out the History of Exploration Podcast for instant gratification there. What we do know about Phoenician colonizers is that they initially integrated themselves into Nuragic settlements and patterns. The Phoenicians weren’t entirely alone, it seems the Euboeans weren’t far behind them. Just as the Phoenicians integrated themselves in various places, these early Greeks did as well, they were also present at Sant’Imbenia. The Euboeans established standalone settlements as did the Phoenicians, settlements like that at Pithecusa, an island in the Bay of Naples. 

Before the eastern mariners arrived, the Nuragic population of Sardinia was involved in trade with the west coast of Italy, but once the Euboeans and Phoenicians began establishing additional settlements both on Sardinia and in Italy, the trade began to increase as you might expect. Surprisingly, at the earliest periods of increased trade in Sardinia and Italy, it seems that the Levantine and Greek merchants tended to work together, there are indications of such in both Sant’Imbenia and Pithecusa. Historian Richard Miles points out that the Phoenicians were most likely focused on gaining control of silver deposits, while the early Euboeans weren’t concerned with silver, more so with iron. He argues, rather convincingly that “in the first colonial ventures in the central Mediterranean, one witnesses the growth of the ‘Middle Ground’ on which Phoenician, Greek and indigenous populations interacted and cooperated.” Again, there is a lot of current research going into these earliest of colonization efforts and it would bog us down more than I think is beneficial, so we’ll continue on to see where else the Phoenicians wound up and why.

If we view Sardinia and the Tyrrhenian Sea as the ‘Middle Ground’ for the Phoenicians, then further west we must go, as they did. Archaeology has begun to reveal that by the second half of the 8th century BCE, the Phoenicians had begun to found settlements of their own in the central Mediterranean, especially on Sardinia. This would indicate that they’d begun to separate themselves from the Nuragic trade environment, at least partially, and had set their sights on other goals. Many of these wholly Phoenician settlements were aligned with the list of geographical requirements that we discussed earlier: they were on islands or promontories, they had natural harbors, and they were directly adjacent to the sources of natural deposits, metal ore, and other useful goods. While the Phoenicians had initially participated in the more regional trade, these new settlements signal the increase of their focus on the west, as Sardinia is perfectly positioned to be a central entrepôt between the Phoenician homeland and the far west. Not to mention, their attempt at separation from the local networks indicates that they’d begun trying to assert some control of their own over the resources. They’d occupied a few of the local nurage forts and, though they continued their relationship with the locals, this separation is further indication of their desire to ensure resource supply in the central Mediterranean so that they could further expand.

I think that this point is a good place for the bookmark on our discussion. Next time we’ll get into the founding of Carthage and the Phoenician cities in the far west, Cadiz, Huelva, and the cities that were founded outside the Pillars of Hercules. I hope that the chronology here has been understandable and I apologize if it hasn’t. The timing of when these colonies all were founded is a much disputed thing, and although I’m doing the best I can I’m sure that many would disagree with the dates I’ve adopted. It seems, from a big picture perspective, that the Phoenicians had begun working with local producers in Sardinia, Italy, and even as far west as Spain and Iberia before they began founding cities of their own as a way to solidify control of resources in those areas. Carthage falls smack in the middle of their period of expansion. Basically then, although it makes sense for us to divide our discussions based upon geography, the ancient merchants of Tyre were probably active at various places around the Mediterranean in the same relative periods of time. There is a marked shift in their focus on building original settlements, though, so next time we’ll begin to look more at that shift, their silver mining operations in Spain, and the beginnings of the most famous Phoenician city outside Tyre, maybe even including Tyre.

Sources

• Abulafia, David, The Great Sea: A Human History of the Mediterranean (2013).
• Aubet, Maria Eugenia, The Phoenicians and the West: Politics, Colonies and Trade (2001).
• Braudel, Fernand, Memory and the Mediterranean (1998).
• Dyson, Stephen L. & Robert J. Rowland, Jr., Archaeology and History in Sardinia from the Stone Age to the Middle Ages: Shepherds, Sailors, and Conquerors, (2007)
• Markoe, Glenn, Phoenicians (2000).
• McGrail, Seán, Boats of the World: From the Stone Age to Medieval Times (2009).
• Miles, Richard, Carthage Must Be Destroyed: The Rise and Fall of an Ancient Civilization (2010).
• Nuragic Bronze Boat Model, British Museum.
• Paine, Lincoln, The Sea and Civilization: A Maritime History of the World (2013).
• Sardinian Bronze Boat, Nuragic Period, Christie's.
• van Dommelen, Peter, et al., Material Connections in the Ancient Mediterranean: Mobility, Materiality and Identity, (2010).